A man holds a placard in support of Ukraine during a demonstration near the Russian embassy in Berlin on February 22. (Marcus Schreiber / Associated Press)
Rene Herman resorted to a radical step to attract the most attention.
When he joined a convoy organized to protest anti-Russian sentiment, he placed a sign decorated with the Star of David on the hood of his car.
“As was the evil Jew [during Germany’s World War II Nazi era] “Now he is the evil Russian,” he said. “Russophobia is everywhere.”
After the Russian invasion of Ukraine, there were protests around the world against the actions of Moscow and certainly in Germany, where activity is abundant in places like Berlin. The increase in votes against Russia has led to some Russian strikes. But it is no secret that many of the more than 2 million former Soviet migrants now living in Germany are strong supporters of Vladimir Putin. And they have never been ashamed to express their public support.
It is openly expressed in the appropriation of the Star of David – widely recognized as a symbol of Judaism and Jewish identity – in the same way, in the same way that people against vaccines and masks against COVID-19 used the symbol and the Holocaust to express outrage their mandates, which they define as fascism, are reminiscent of Nazi Germany. The German Nazis forced the Jews to wear the symbol to mark them as enemies and less than, gathered and taken to concentration camps, where millions were killed during World War II.
Although the use of the Star of David – or the Holocaust – is thus seen as offensive, it is not the only symbol that the pro-Russian mob in Germany has adopted. In addition to the huge Russian national flags, the letter Z is seen on Russian tanks and trucks in Ukraine – meaning I win [“For victory”] – and the letter V for Power in truth [“Our strength is in truth”] are also ubiquitous at these rallies. Many protesters also wear the black and orange ribbon of St. George, a symbol of victory in World War II and Russian military glory. In Berlin, anyone who displays these symbols is subject to a fine or prosecution.
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Herman, who is German – not of Russian descent – runs a car dealership in eastern Berlin. He said he had not personally had anti-Russian attacks, but that the internet was full of such stories.
Since the start of the war, more than 500 crimes of discrimination against Russians, Ukrainians now living in Germany, and supporters on both sides of the division have been reported to authorities. These include mainly property damage and insults. These meetings are also reflected in records on the website of the Russian embassy in Berlin, where people can report such incidents. However, anonymous reports are insignificant and sometimes difficult to verify.
“We have to be very careful not to spill this war on our society,” said Nancy Feiser, Germany’s interior minister. “This war should not be fought on the backs of Ukrainians or Russians in Germany.”
Just a few days ago, a Soviet war memorial in Berlin was strewn with graffiti. The graffiti reads “Ukrainian blood on Russian hands” and “Putin = Stalin”.
Although the crimes have so far remained small in scale, they are food for Moscow’s supporters. A Telegram channel called Putin Fanclub has nearly 33,000 subscribers. Other similar channels, such as News from Russia, have more than 127,000.
“Elite idiots never learn from history, the more pressure is put on Russia, the stronger the cohesion of the people,” the statement said.
Among Putin’s German-based supporters, the war is regularly called the “liberation of Ukraine.” Right-wing platforms such as the far-right Compact Magazine welcome German-Russian friendship.
“If there is one lesson in history, it is this: Germans and Russians must never again allow themselves to be pitted against each other,” said Jürgen Elseser, the magazine’s editor-in-chief. “There are arsonists in Kyiv who want to drag the whole world into the abyss to save their regime.
All of these groups play on existing anti-American, anti-NATO and anti-Western sentiments.
“The radical right is on exactly the same anti-Western course as Putin,” said Matthias Quent, a researcher at the University of Applied Sciences in Magdeburg and one of Germany’s most prominent researchers, who sees much overlap with other groups.
“When Russian flags are waved at rallies against COVID in Saxony, or when protesters march in front of the Russian embassy and then shout slogans like ‘Putin, set us free,’ there is clearly a clash of interests.”
Elsässer’s Compact Magazine telegram channel has over 60,000 subscribers. The channel also broadcasts videos from the blocked Russian propaganda television network RT.
“Polarization is definitely increasing,” Quent said. “Many see RT’s ban as proof that they are in fact telling the truth.
Reports of Russophobia fall into the same pattern.
“When incidents are reported, real or fake, they immediately go viral on social media,” he said. “After all, no one knows what’s really going on.”
Whether the incidents are based on facts or fabrications, the rifts in society are deepening.
With new convoys and protests organized in German cities recently, the question remains: why is there still a vocal minority that accepts a pro-Russian line? Many of them are of German origin. They left the former Soviet Union because they felt like strangers there and wanted to return to their homeland.
“But here in Germany they were seen as Russians, not Germans. At one point, they began to think, “Well, if they see us as Russians, we’ll behave like that,” said Vladimir Kaminer, one of the most famous contemporary Russian writers who has lived in Berlin for more. for 30 years. “When you lose your social status, you quickly develop an inferiority complex.”
One way to compensate is to take on the role of victim, says Kaminer, who has long been involved in German-Russian soul research.
When the phone rings at the home of a 75-year-old historian in Detmold, North Rhine-Westphalia, Russian radio is heard in the background. Of German descent – he refused to be identified due to fears of privacy – his family moved from Kazakhstan to West Germany in 1983. Asked about his feelings for Russia, he quickly took up the position.
“The West supports the bandits in Kyiv,” he said. “By expanding east, NATO has broken its promises to Russia. Russia was in danger and had to defend itself.
Everything he says seems to come straight from the Kremlin’s book. Addressing the hundreds of Ukrainian civilians killed in Bucha, some shot dead with their hands tied behind their backs, he maintained a firm voice.
“They are all actors,” he said. “So is their president. They can’t be trusted. “
A week after the convoy in Berlin, Herman regretted putting the Star of David on his car.
“The police fined me and that’s good,” he said dryly.
Asked if he would organize a new protest, he would no doubt do so, he said.
“I will wait until May 9, when the parade of Putin’s victory in Red Square is over.
Ziener is a special correspondent.
This story originally appeared in the Los Angeles Times.
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