The fact that Marcos can regain power is almost unthinkable for people who are still marked by the torture and death of their relatives, but studies show that Marcos Jr. will win – and by a significant margin.
Robredo, who is running as an independent, army-backed civic activist dressed in pink, has promised transparency in government, improved the education system and provided free access to doctors.
Although a mass movement has recently erupted around her, analysts say Marcos Jr.’s insistence on the presidency is the culmination of a decade-long rebranding campaign to revive the Marcos family’s name and image.
Marcos Jr. linked his campaign to his father’s legacy, with his slogan “resurrect again” penetrating the nostalgia of the people of his father’s time as the so-called golden age for the country. In a recent interview with CNN’s CNN Philippines branch, Marcos Jr. praised his father, calling him a “political genius,” and his mother, a family matriarch and four-time congressman, a “supreme politician.”
Supporters of the Marcos family say the period was a time of progress and prosperity, characterized by the construction of major infrastructure projects such as hospitals, roads and bridges. Critics say it was an illusion and that these projects were driven by widespread corruption, foreign loans and rising debt.
Marcos’ legacy still haunts survivors of atrocities. They ask how the country can forgive Marcos’ years so quickly and fear what will happen if Marcos is allowed to rule again.
CNN also approached Marcos Jr. and his campaign for comment on allegations of “ill-gotten wealth” of the family, lawsuits and atrocities of the martial law era, but received no response.
Marcos’ legacy
The only son of the authoritarian leader, Marcos Jr. entered politics early, becoming vice-governor of the northern province of Ilocos Norte in 1980 at the age of 23.
At the time, the Philippines had been under martial law for nearly a decade, a time when human rights groups said tens of thousands had been imprisoned, tortured or killed for alleged or actual criticism of the government.
Hundreds of their names are inscribed in gold letters on a memorial wall at Bantayog ng mga Bayani (Monument to the Heroes) in Quezon City, near the capital Manila. As Bonifacio Ilagan walks past the monument, he stops at his younger sister’s name.
Rizalina P. Ilagan was abducted by a special military intelligence unit in the mid-1970s, her brother said. “She disappeared along with nine other activists. And we never saw her again.”
Bonifacio Ilagan was 23 years old when he said he had been detained and tortured in prison to protest the Marcos regime.
“The worst part of the torture was when I was ordered to take off my pants and underwear and they tried to put a stick through my penis,” said Ilagan, now 70, co-organizer of Campaign Against the Return of Marcos and military position.
“They have never been interested in human rights. They impressed us that they had the power of life and death over us because it was a state of war. Because they were supported by no less than President Marcos. “
Marcos Jr. was 29 when his family was persecuted in exile in Hawaii after a popular revolution that toppled his father’s regime in 1986. Marcos Jr. died in exile three years later, but his family returned. in 1991 and became wealthy, influential politicians, with successive family members representing their dynastic fortress of Ilocos Norte.
The Marcos lived a lavish lifestyle while in power, spending money on expensive works of art and property abroad, even when debts were rising and millions were suffering in poverty. Former First Lady Imelda Marcos was known for her extra expenses, which included an extensive collection of designer shoes. She fled the country with a hideout of gems, including a rare 25-carat pink diamond and a Cartier diamond tiara, which were seized by US customs and later valued at $ 21 million.
Nearly 40 years after their fall, the Philippine government is still trying to recover billions of dollars in stolen funds.
The Presidential Commission for Good Governance of the Philippines (PCGG), tasked with rebuilding the family and the ill-gotten wealth of their associates, estimates that about $ 10 billion has been stolen from the Philippine people – so far it has recovered about $ 3 billion and dozens remain active.
The family has repeatedly denied using state funds for personal use, a lawsuit challenged in numerous lawsuits.
“When I was young, we fought against the mismanagement of Ferdinand Marcos Sr.,” said Ilagan, now a director and playwright. “I am now approaching the era of leaving, as they say, I am fighting against Ferdinand Marcos Jr.
Rebranding
The rise of Marcos Jr. to a presidential favorite follows a social media campaign to reconsider the story, analysts say.
Fatima Gow, co-founder of the Philippine Media Monitoring Laboratory, says YouTube is a breeding ground for videos that she says deny, distort or even justify the atrocities of Marcos Sr.
“They used a lot of influential people or content creators on YouTube to spread this fictional story about the Marcos era, which was the golden age of the Philippines, that there was peace and order during that time,” said Gau, who is also Assistant Professor of Communication Studies at the College of Mass Communication, University of the Philippines.
TikTok is also used to attract younger or first-time voters – those who are too young to remember the martial law. “It’s an arsenal of tools to deny, distort and pick cherries,” Gau said.
Marcos Jr. denied using misinformation and told CNN Philippines that his social media presence was organic.
Marcos’ rebranding was also made possible by the failure of the Philippine government and institutions to protect history in the public mind, Gau said.
In 2016, President Duterte announced the reburial of Marcos Sr. in Manila’s National Heroes Cemetery, a move approved by the Supreme Court. The surprise decision sparked protests from opponents, who filed a lawsuit to stop the funeral.
Gau said that the disinformation campaign “made the public now, in 2022, feel for Marcos Jr. that he is in fact a victim of great media cover.”
Other analysts say Marcos Jr. is simply turning to Filipinos, tired of political disputes and promises of progress and economic reform from successive administrations that many say have failed to benefit ordinary people.
Individuals and dynasties dominate the politics of the Philippines, with power concentrated in the hands of several elite, influential families. Marcos Jr. may be part of one of the country’s most famous dynasties, but unlike Robredo, he has managed to reposition himself as separate from the liberal elites who have long ruled the political landscape of the Philippines.
“The return of the Marcos name is expected mainly because, since 1986, the revolution has given so much to the Filipino people – to the point of significant changes in the way politics is conducted and people are given power,” said Philippine-based political analyst Edmund. Tayao.
“But after the revolution, there was a return of the same elites in politics. The expected far-reaching institutional reforms did not happen.”
The popularity of Marcos Jr.
Marcos Jr.’s popularity seems to span ages, occupations, and social demographics.
Speaking from his home in Manila, Glen Marc Blasquez, 37, said he would vote for Marcos Jr. on May 9th because he promised to return to an ambitious development of infrastructure for the Internet, roads, agriculture and shipping.
“We need that momentum,” he said. “We need someone who is also a leader to continue this kind of progress.”
Asked about Marcos Sr.’s legacy, including human rights abuses and allegations of corruption, Blasquez said he believed Filipinos “should go forward, not go back”.
“I think the only thing Marcos Jr. wants is to continue his father’s legacy to be a good leader, to be a united state,” he said.
Gerald Cruz, a 33-year-old owner of a store in the province of Rizal in Luzon, said he voted for Marcos Jr. because he promised to continue President Duterte’s infrastructure initiative “Build, build, build” and reduce electricity costs.
“Our electricity bills have more than doubled. If electricity costs continue to rise, everything will be affected,” he said. “He wants to unite the Philippines. I like that in him.”
Sociologist Jael Cornelio said Marcos Jr.’s message of unity was attractive to voters.
“You don’t get this from other candidates, this desire for national greatness. And obviously, it’s about the economy,” said Cornelio, an associate professor and director of development research at the University of Ateneo de Manila.
But not all voters feel that way.
Aliza Natiag, 26, of Antipollo, east of Metro Manila, went from house to house volunteering for the Robredo campaign, distributing brochures and talking to residents.
One of the many young supporters, Natiago said Robredo advocated for transparency and good governance and believed he would help the poor, tackle corruption, improve education and restore people’s confidence in government.
Natiag said she was “very worried” about what Marcos’ presidency would mean for the country.
“This is not just our battle, but for the Philippines,” she said. “This is the time for the Philippines to really decide – who becomes president will have a heart for all Filipinos, not just them.
What would Marcos’ presidency mean?
The Marcos regime may have ended in the 1980s, but activists say Marcos has never been held accountable for the scale of his atrocities and fears that Marcos Jr. could undermine efforts to resolve past injustices. .
As president, Marcos Jr. will be the head of institutions set up to investigate allegations against his family’s former regime.
“What will happen to the presidential …
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