Supporters of Ferdinand (Bongbong) Marcos Jr., a candidate in the Philippine presidential election, applauded during a pre-election rally in San Fernando on April 29. Eloisa Lopez / Reuters
As the choir’s voices rise to crescendo, Ferdinand Marcos Jr. raises his fist to his chest and says to the camera, “Together we will rise again.”
The son of the late Philippine dictator, with whom he shares a name, the younger Marcos, known as Bongbong, is ready to become the country’s next president when Filipinos go to the polls on May 9th. If he succeeds, it will erase one of the most remarkable resurrections in Southeast Asian political history, as the once-hated and humiliated Marcos clan returns to power 36 years after protesters ousted Ferdinand.
Mr Marcos has taken advantage of a campaign to reshape the narrative surrounding the older Marcos, portraying him not as a brutal dictator and – with his wife Imelda – an icon of kleptocracy, but instead as a patriotic hero who is witnessing a period of economic stability. and growth for the Philippines. Against the backdrop of the struggle and stagnation of COVID-19, many hope to see a return to this mythical golden age.
Mr. Marcos Jr. addressed the crowd in San Fernando. Eloise Lopez / Reuters
While Mr Marcos’s supporters say he should not be prosecuted for his father’s sins, opponents fear he will continue the authoritarian trend in the Philippines seen under incumbent President Rodrigo Duterte, who launched a brutal war on drugs. critics and attacks the free press.
According to Richard Heydarian, author of a book on Duterte’s presidency, this month’s election will determine whether the last five years have been “an anomaly or a harbinger of a new order in general.”
Mr Marcos was encouraged by the support of Sarah Duterte, the president’s daughter, who is running for vice-president (elected separately in the Philippines). Polls over the past week suggest he could win with a clear result, a result Mr Heydar said he could lay the groundwork for “a complete overhaul of the besieged democratic institutions in the country”.
Mr. Marcos Jr. and mother Imelda in 1995. Fernando Sepe Jr. / Associated Press
Marcosi’s Resurrection is a campaign that lasted for decades, beginning when the family returned to the Philippines in 1992, three years after Ferdinand’s death in exile in Hawaii. In the same year, Imelda unsuccessfully ran for president, while Mr. Marcos was elected to Congress by the traditional Ilocos Norte family fortress on the northern island of Luzon. But while the family’s fame and fortune – its wealth remained significant, even as prosecutors returned billions of loot over the years – could generate local support, Imelda’s failure nationally seemed to suggest a limit to their resurgence.
When Edwin Lasierda was sent a YouTube video praising the Marcos in 2010, he rejected it. “There was talk of the Marcos years being a golden age for the Philippines,” he said. “I told my colleague that no one would believe it. How could they? “
Mr Lasierda worked in the administration of then-President Benigno Aquino, whose parents were outspoken opponents of the Marcos regime. As a young man, Mr. Lasierda took part in the People’s Power Revolution in 1986, which ousted the dictator.
“I forgot the fact that there was a whole new generation,” he said. “While we were dealing with the government’s tasks, Marcosi was quietly rehabilitating himself through the new social media platforms.
Protesters gather in Manila last February 25, the anniversary of the People’s Power Revolution, which ousted the elderly Marcos. Gerard Careon / Associated Press
Ferdinand Marcos Sr. and his wife Imelda greet students undergoing compulsory military training in Manila in 1985. 2012. Romeo Ranoco / Reuters
Of the Philippines’ 65 million eligible voters, about 56 percent are under 41, according to the National Electoral Commission.
The country is also one of the most online in the world, with about 40% of people saying they get most of their news through Facebook or other social platforms.
Rappler, an independent publication that has often been Mr Duterte’s target, documents how the Marcos family uses social media to improve their image.
This ranges from outright denial of atrocities to wild allegations of an alleged gold hideout hidden by the late dictator that could help revive the Philippines’ economy.
In a speech at last year’s Nobel Peace Prize, Rappler founder Maria Resa said Bongbong had “built a vast network of misinformation” that “literally changes history before our eyes.”
These efforts have been stepped up only by Mr Marcos’ alliance with Sarah Duterte – once a potential contender for the presidency – joining two of the country’s most powerful online operations.
Sarah Duterte and her father, President Rodrigo Duterte. Lean Daval JR. and Eloise Lopez / Reuters
Rodrigo Duterte came to power in 2016 thanks in part to his success on social media. Since his election, he has used Facebook and other platforms to garner support for his controversial war on drugs and critics of attacks, targeting what some observers described as an “army of trolls” against anyone who questioned him.
One of his main targets is Senator Leila de Lima, a former chairman of the Human Rights Commission who has overseen numerous hearings of extrajudicial killings and other abuses related to Duterte’s drug war.
“The murder of the hero against her has been going on for five years,” said Dino de Leon, a spokeswoman for Ms De Lima. “She is attacked every day by online trolls. It has become a symbol that anyone who dares to go through the administration, dare to prevent a war on drugs, will suffer the same fate. “
In 2017, Ms. De Lima was jailed on drug charges that she said were fabricated, part of the president’s “political vendetta.” This month, many witnesses withdrew from testifying against Ms. De Lima, prompting calls on the government to overturn her sentence.
Ms De Lima is running for re-election, a campaign that has been twice as difficult as a result of her imprisonment and the mass of disinformation circulating about her, Mr De Leon said.
Ms De Lima backed Mr Marcos’ main rival, Vice-President Lenny Robredo, who lags behind by about 20 percentage points in most polls. According to the fact-checking consortium Tsek.ph, Ms Robredo is facing an “unstoppable” wave of “false information” produced by Mr Marcos’ supporters.
Supporters of presidential candidate Lenny Robredo gather in Baguio City on May 2. Lisa Marie David / Reuters
Ms. Robredo, the current Vice President of the Philippines, spoke at a pre-election rally in Quezon City on 13 February. Lisa Marie David / Reuters Senator Leila de Lima, shown in 2017, arriving on a court date, now supports Ms. Robredo’s candidacy. Romeo Ranoco / Reuters
Bongbong’s messages were brief on politics and high spirits, promising “unity” and national rejuvenation. Most expect him to continue Mr Duterte’s war on drugs and to protect the president from any future prosecution by the International Criminal Court, which is considering extrajudicial killings.
Andrea Chloe Wong, a former external analyst in the government, said that while Mr Marcos often sought to continue Duterte’s authoritarian political agenda, he could fight to push it through or sell it to the public.
In particular, while Mr Marcos is considered more sympathetic to Beijing than Ms. Robredo, any attempts to change Manila’s foreign policy on the South China Sea and other issues may run into nationalist public opinion, which often leads to Mr. Duterte to flip on the same issue.
“He lacks the charisma, the popular appeal of Duterte,” she said. “So his administration may be more muted, he wants to do the same thing, but he may not be as strong and aggressive as Duterte.
Analysts agree that a key priority will be to complete the rehabilitation of the Marcos name, potentially remove anniversaries marking the overthrow of the dictatorship and end all unresolved criminal and civil cases against the family.
“The biggest problem will be whether he will be as corrupt as his father,” Mr Lasierda said. “The jury is working on it until he takes office. There is a presumption against him, of course, because of his father, but for the good of the country, I hope that will not be the case.
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